New Hope for Immigration Reform in the United States: An Analysis of the Proposed Legislation

Immigration ReformThe 2012 presidential election campaign demonstrated the growing power of Latino voters in key states such as Texas and California and gave new political life to long-stagnant efforts at immigration reform.  In this context, on April 16, 2013, a bipartisan group of Senators, known commonly as the “Gang of Eight,” introduced an 844-page bill titled, The Border Security, Economic Opportunity, and Immigration Modernization Act of 2013 (S. 744) that, if passed, will significantly change the U.S. immigration system, in both positive and negative ways.  It is currently estimated that 11.5 million undocumented immigrants are living in the United States, and the legislation currently proposed is geared towards legalizing their status and providing the first major overhaul of the immigration system since the Ronald Reagan administration in the 1980s.

The analysis below draws largely from an extensive summary of the bill’s contents provided by the Democratic Policy and Communications Center (DPCC).[ As of this writing, the bill has not yet been voted on in the Senate or taken up in the House of Representatives and so its contents are still subject to change.  However, an analysis of the bill in its current form is warranted, as it is the clearest and most comprehensive indication of the future of immigration law in the United States.

Major Changes

As it is currently written, the legalization of currently-undocumented immigrants (who would acquire legal status) is contingent upon several “triggers,” not least of which would be expanded resources and enforcement measures in the area of border security. To that end, the proposed bill would allocate $3 billion to fund enhanced border and immigration security measures, including the development of a border security fencing plan by the Secretary of Homeland Security, a “mandatory and operational” Electronic Employment Verification System (EEVS, more commonly known as E-Verify), and the implementation of “a biographic entry-exit system at air and seaports.”

Registered Provisional Immigrant Status

The law would provide a new form of relief called Registered Provisional Immigrant (RPI) Status.  Undocumented immigrants who came to the U.S. before December 31, 2011 and have continued to reside in the U.S. would be able to apply for RPI status.  In the long march towards permanent residency and eventual citizenship, RPI applicants would be required to pay multiple fines and fees and any back taxes, pass multiple background checks, show that they are working to learn English (if they do not speak it already), and be able to demonstrate economic self-sufficiency.  Once RPI status is approved, persons with RPI status would retain such status for six years and be given employment authorization as well as travel authorization, both of which would be significant benefits for many people who have long been unable to legally seek gainful employment or travel to their native countries.  After six years, RPIs would need to file to renew their status, showing they still meet all the eligibility criteria and paying additional filing fees.

Roughly 10 years after acquiring RPI status, individuals would be able to apply for permanent residence. Such applicants would be required to wait until the existing backlog of applicants had been processed before adjustment of their status would be reviewed.  Three years after attaining permanent residency, former RPIs could then apply for naturalization to become U.S. citizens.  All told, the time from granting of RPI status to citizenship would come to at least 13 years.

The long wait before acquiring permanent residency seems somewhat arbitrary, especially when applied to individuals who have already been living in the United States for decades.  Moreover, throughout the entire process, immigrants would have to pay at least $2,000 in fines and hundreds more in fees along the 13-year path to citizenship, thereby potentially excluding those unable to pay the fees. The employment or income requirements for both RPI status and permanent residency through RPI status also seem highly problematic, absent further guidance on how such requirements would be enforced in actuality, as it seems that low-income immigrants could be deprived of the benefits offered through the legislation.  Moreover, even though the proposed legislation aims to eliminate the creation of future backlogs, it is questionable whether the existing backlogs could be cleared in the timeframe allotted such that RPIs could in fact seek adjustment of status 10 years after becoming RPIs.

While the bill would offer previously unavailable relief to many millions of individuals, it can also be criticized for the people it excludes.  For instance, persons who entered the United States after December 31, 2011 would be unable to benefit from the bill’s provisions.  In addition, many individuals may likely be barred by acquiring RPI status because of expansive definitions of certain criminal acts under existing immigration law.  For instance, if a person has committed three relatively minor misdemeanor offenses, they may be ineligible for RPI status.  Finally, the English language requirement for adjustment of status could pose further barriers to otherwise deserving immigrants.

On the positive side, the bill as currently written would codify many important parts of the long-dormant DREAM Act, allowing RPIs who came to the U.S. before age 16 and earned a GED or high school diploma to apply for permanent residency.  Moreover, the law would also so-called ‘DREAMers’ to apply for naturalization after five years as an RPI (rather than ten).  Although the passage of Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) was a step in the right direction, the proposed bill offers a permanent solution and path to citizenship for the millions of individuals who came to this country as children and have made the United States their home.

Family Unity and Employment-Based Immigration

Aside from the creation of RPI status, the proposed legislation contains broad changes to the existing family- and employment-based immigration system.  Legal immigrants who have been in the United States continuously for ten years or longer would be eligible to seek permanent residency, and permanent residents would be able to “immediately” sponsor their spouses or children for permanent residency. This would be a huge improvement in the current family-based immigration system, as it would eliminate the grossly long wait that permanent residents have to endure for their spouses and children to obtain legal status.  The bill would also enable “families with approved petitions to work and live in the U.S. while waiting for their green card” and would allow siblings short-term visitation periods.

Despite all of the positive aspects of the proposed legislation, there are several negative aspects that would potentially hinder family unity.  For instance, sponsorship of siblings for permanent residency would be eliminated, and children at or over 31 years of age would also be ineligible for sponsorship from their US citizen parents.  While previously-filed petitions would seemingly not be impacted, this would deprive many individuals of the right to be reunited with their adult children (over age 31) and/or siblings, and potentially leave recently-naturalized elderly individuals without family care takers to assist them as they age.

The bill also seeks to introduce a new merit-based system to the processing of immigrant visas. It is a complicated point-based system, wherein prospective applicants for a so-called ‘Track One’ visa would be prioritized based on “various factors, including educational degrees, employment experience, and needs of U.S. employers, U.S. citizen relatives, and age,” as well as how long the applicant has been living in the U.S., while ‘Track Two’ visas would be granted to backlogged family-or employment-sponsored applicants (waiting five years or longer) and to individuals who have been legal permanent residents for at least ten years.

One problem with the point system is the clear prioritization it gives to those immigrants who are already likely to benefit the most from their training and economic resources, leaving low-wage and low-skilled workers in a potentially indefinite wait period while their better-educated and wealthier counterparts skipped to the head of the line.

Despite my skepticism about the points-based merit system contained in the proposed legislation, there are numerous improvements with relation to the availability of certain employment-based visas.  For instance, it would increase the number of H1B visas available each year, as well as increase the availability of visas for certain low-skilled labor positions through the creation of a new “W” visa category.

Many concerns are being raised over bill’s provisions mandating the national implementation of the Electronic Employment Verification System (EEVS), commonly known as E-Verify.  While government officials report that E-Verify’s accuracy has improved in the years since its introduction, the remaining possibility for error means that some individuals will undoubtedly be wrongfully denied employment to which they should be entitled.  Additionally, the system would potentially be expensive to maintain, and civil liberties advocates, such as the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) have expressed concerns that the centralization of personally identifiable information (PII) poses risks to Americans’ privacy and increases the risk of identity theft.

Asylum Applicants

In my opinion, there would be at least two highly significant improvements in the law governing asylum if the proposed legislation is passed.  First and foremost, S. 744 seeks to eliminate the one-year filing deadline by which all asylum applicants must file their applications in order to be deemed eligible for asylum.  For many years, the requirement that an individual must file for asylum within one year of entering the U.S. has deprived many individuals from being granted asylum.  Often, individuals fleeing their countries with genuine claims of past persecution suffer from severe trauma, may not have had a formal education, or are unknowledgeable about the legal requirements for asylum.  Elimination of the one-year filing requirement would mean that such individuals would no longer be prejudiced based on their lack of knowledge of U.S. immigration laws.  Secondly, there would be cause for celebration if the proposed legislation were passed because it would provide certain at-risk persons in removal proceedings with legal counsel.  At present, while there is a right to counsel, there is no right to have counsel provided for those in need, which deprives many people facing deportation from relief from removal.

As summed up especially well in a recent Op-Ed by Bill Frelick of Human Rights Watch and law student Brian Jacek, a major challenge faced by many asylum seekers, and one that the proposed Senate bill fails to fully address, is the difficulty asylum applicants have supporting themselves economically while their cases are being reviewed.  Many asylum applicants are denied the right to employment while their applications for asylum remain pending, thereby depriving them of the opportunity to support themselves.  As Frelick and Jacek explain, the inability to work legally means that many asylum-seekers not only cannot afford attorneys to assist with their cases, but they also are pushed into the informal work sector, rely on assistance from friends or family, or may even end up living on the streets.  Unfortunately, S. 744 in its current form would not modify the existing regulations on employment authorization for prospective asylees.

Politics

Supporters: Business, Labor, Religious Groups.  A striking element of the recent push for immigration reform has been the broad support it has received from many disparate sectors of the American political spectrum.  Many sectors such as the hospitality (restaurants, hotels, etc.) and agriculture industries rely heavily on low-wage workers, many of them undocumented, and would benefit from a normalization of their workforce as well as the ability to bring in additional part-time or seasonal workers from abroad.  The technology sector, including industry leaders such as Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg, has lobbied for increased opportunities to fill positions that they contend are currently vacant due to a lack of qualified American workers. Many labor unions, meanwhile, view the normalization of undocumented workers’ status as an opportunity to increase union membership by organizing newly-legalized RPIs.  Such organizers believe that legalization would stem the so-called ‘race to the bottom’ in which U.S. citizens and legal immigrants continually accept cuts to wages and benefits in order not to lose out to their undocumented counterparts.  Many religious organizations have also lent their support to the immigration reform push, though (as discussed below) that support could waver if the bill is amended to include extension of sponsorship privileges to bi-national same-sex partners.  Finally, comprehensive immigration reform that includes a path to citizenship stands to benefit elected representatives from both major parties, helping to appeal to Latino voters while demonstrating that bipartisan compromise is still possible in a political climate that is often described as just as dysfunctional, ineffective, and broken as the current immigration system itself.

Immigration Restriction Advocates Immigration restriction and border enforcement advocates such as Jim DeMint and conservative think tank the Heritage Foundation have derided what they refer to as “amnesty,” or any attempt to provide currently undocumented immigrants living in the United States.  While it s strongly contested, the Heritage Foundation recently released a report arguing that legalizing the status of the 11.5 million undocumented immigrants currently in the United States will cost the country over $6 trillion over those immigrants’ lifetimes.  Because the public’s attention is not yet fully focused on the proposed law, it remains to be seen whether these arguments will gain traction, though a recent reporting suggests that the majority of Americans (76% percent) favor passage of the proposed immigration legislation.  If such polling is accurate, it would suggest that there is sufficient bipartisan support to overcome concerns raised by the outspoken critics of immigration reform.

Same-Sex Couples One of the biggest question marks currently hanging over the current reform effort relates to the status of binational same-sex couples.  As reported in Politico, Vermont Senator Patrick Leahy, a Democrat and member of the ‘Gang of Eight,’ has promised to introduce an amendment to the proposed bill that would allow U.S. nationals to sponsor their same-sex partners for permanent residency (a move for which President Obama has also voiced support).  In response, according to Politico, Florida Republican Senator Marco Rubio claimed that the amendment “will virtually guarantee that [the bill] won’t pass,” though many Democrats reportedly remain skeptical of that assertion.  This, the article continues, is because support might waver or drop off entirely from the Republicans and religious groups upon whose success the bill depends (if the bill fails or only narrowly passes in the Senate, its chances in the House of Representatives are greatly diminished).

The entire question of the status of binational same-sex couples could, however, become irrelevant if the Supreme Court rules that the relevant portions of the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) are unconstitutional.  In that case, binational same-sex married couples would be entitled to the same federal protections and benefits currently available only to heterosexual couples.  In my opinion, failure to include rights for same-sex couples would represent a major flaw in the legislation.  Truly comprehensive immigration reform should not exclude U.S. citizens and permanent residents in same sex-relationships from having the right to file petitions on behalf of their spouses.

In summary . . .

There is still a long way to go before S.744 becomes law and some lawmakers, such as Sen. Rubio, are skeptical as to whether or not it will ever be passed as it is currently written.  While the proposed bill contains several areas for concern, overall the enactment of S.744 would be an enormous success for immigrants and immigrant rights advocates.  Immigrants to the United States have continuously contributed to this country culturally, politically, socially, and economically.  Unfortunately, the current immigration system has long been broken, and has not adapted to evolving economic, familial, and humanitarian needs. Immigration reform is in our country’s best interests economically and reform would address the harm and suffering of so many deserving immigrants who seek to remain united with their families or otherwise wish to contribute to the nation in positive ways.  The time is long overdue for Congress to enact meaningful immigration reform, and the majority of the provisions contained in the proposed bill would be a huge step in the right direction


[1] Unless noted otherwise, all quotations are excerpted from the DPCC summary.

AILA’s 8 Points from the Senate Immigration Bill

On Tuesday, the bipartisan group of senators known as the “Gang of Eight” introduced S. 744, the “Border Security, Economic Opportunity, and Immigration Modernization Act.” Earlier today, AILA issued this press release commending the Senators for their work on the bill. Below are eight initial points of interest pulled from the bill’s provisions. AILA continues to analyze the bill text and will provide more in-depth analysis on our AILA Resources on Immigration Reform web page.

Just to barely scratch the surface, here are but a few things S.744 would do:

1. Legalization: Allow noncitizens who are unlawfully present and who entered the U.S. before December 31, 2011 to adjust status to that of Registered Provisional Immigrant (RPI). Eligible applicants would be required to pay a penalty and back taxes. Individuals in RPI status would receive work authorization and may travel abroad. They would also become eligible to apply for LPR status after 10 years, and can apply for naturalization 3 years after acquiring a green card. Includes generous provisions for DREAMers and agricultural workers.

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2. Family-Based Immigrants: Move the current FB-2A category into the immediate relative classification, allow for derivatives of immediate relatives, eliminate the FB-4 category, cap the age of eligibility of married sons and daughters of U.S. citizens at 31, and bring back the V visa.

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3. Employment-Based Immigrants: Exempt the following categories from the quota: EB-1 immigrants, doctoral degree holders, physicians who have completed the foreign residency requirement, and derivatives. Add a new “EB-6″ category for certain entrepreneurs.

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4. Temporary Workers: Create a W-1 visa for lesser-skilled workers, a W-2 visa for aliens coming to the U.S. temporarily to perform agricultural services or labor under a written contract, and a W-3 visa for “at-will” workers with an offer of full-time employment in an agricultural occupation. The W-2 and W-3 visas would replace the current H-2A agricultural worker program.

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5. Asylum: Eliminate the one-year filing deadline and authorize asylum officers to grant asylum during credible fear interviews.

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6. E-Verify: Require all employers to be on the system after 5 years.

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7. H-1Bs: Increase the quota to a floor of 110,000 and a ceiling of 180,000, increase the U.S. advanced degree exemption to 25,000 but limit it to STEM graduates, add a recruitment requirement for all H-1B labor condition applications involving a detailed posting on an Internet site designed by the Labor Department, add a non-displacement attestation, change the prevailing wage formula, provide EADs for spouses, and add a 60-day grace period after an H-1B has been terminated from his or her job.

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8. Fraud: Make it a crime to knowingly defraud an immigrant or hold oneself out as an attorney or BIA accredited representative when one is not authorized to do so. Require the identification of individuals who assist immigrants with the completion of forms and empower the Attorney General with injunctive authority to act against an unscrupulous “immigration service provider” at the federal level.

CONTENT COPIED DIRECTLY FROM THE AMERICAN IMMIGRATION LAWYERS ASSOCIATION – www.aila.org

Agreement Reached in National Class Action Lawsuit on Work Authorization for Asylum Seekers

April 15, 2013

“Washington D.C. – The Department of Justice and the Department of Homeland Security have agreed to settle a nationwide class action lawsuit challenging the denial of work authorization to asylum seekers who have been waiting six months or more for a decision on their asylum applications. If approved by a federal judge, this agreement will help ensure that asylum seekers, who have fled persecution in their home countries, are not unlawfully prevented from working and supporting their families while the government adjudicates their cases. The settlement agreement represents the culmination of years of advocacy by the American Immigration Council’s Legal Action Center (LAC) and other groups on behalf of deserving asylum seekers.

The agreement stems from a case filed in December 2011 by the LAC and the Northwest Immigrant Rights Project (NWIRP), with co-counsel from the Massachusetts Law Reform Institute and the Seattle law firm Gibbs Houston Pauw. The complaint challenged widespread problems with the “asylum clock”—the system government agencies use to determine when immigrants who have applied for asylum may obtain permission to work lawfully in the United States.

The case, filed on behalf of asylum-seekers around the country, alleged that the current system unlawfully denies asylum applicants the opportunity to obtain employment authorization if their asylum application has been pending for six months or more. Some end up waiting several months or years for the government to make a decision on their asylum application. Indeed, one plaintiff from China has been waiting nearly 10 years for his case to be resolved. Employment authorization is critical given that most applicants have fled their home countries without any resources, and thus have no means to support themselves.

“The settlement agreement includes significant changes to ensure that vulnerable asylum-seekers are no longer arbitrarily deprived of the ability to work while the government decides their cases,” according to Mary Kenney, Senior Staff Attorney with the Legal Action Center.

“We are extremely pleased that we were able to achieve a solution that we believe will help hundreds, if not thousands, of people seeking asylum,” said Chris Strawn, director of the asylum unit at NWIRP. “Many asylum seekers who were stuck in limbo, without any way to support themselves or their family members while waiting for their asylum applications to be resolved, will now be able to obtain employment authorization.”

“Getting work authorization has been a huge benefit to me and my family, allowing us to sustain ourselves while waiting for a decision on my asylum application,” said B.H., one of the named Plaintiffs in the suit.

Because the suit involves a class action, the settlement agreement, filed April 12, 2013 in a federal district court in Washington State, will have to be approved by Judge Richard Jones, the judge overseeing the case.”

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SOURCE – American Immigration Council Legal Action Center

Temporary Protected Status Extended for Hondurans

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“WASHINGTON—Secretary of Homeland Security Janet Napolitano has extended Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for eligible nationals of Honduras for an additional 18 months, beginning July 6, 2013, and ending Jan. 5, 2015.

Current Honduran beneficiaries seeking to extend their TPS status must re-register during the 60-day re-registration period that runs from April 3, 2013, through June 3, 2003. U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) encourages beneficiaries to register as soon as possible once the 60-day re-registration period begins. Applications will not be accepted before April 3, 2013.

The 18-month extension also allows TPS re-registrants to apply for a new employment authorization document (EAD). Eligible Honduran TPS beneficiaries who request an EAD and meet the re-registration deadline will receive a new EAD with an expiration date of Jan. 5, 2015. USCIS recognizes that some re-registrants may not receive their new EADs until after their current EADs expire. Therefore, USCIS is automatically extending current TPS Honduras EADs that have a July 5, 2013, expiration date for an additional six months. These existing EADs are now valid through Jan. 5, 2014.”

For the complete article – please visit Temporary Protected Status Extended for Hondurans on the uscis.gov website.

Solitary Confinement of Immigrant Detainees

By: Maureen Johnson*

Solitary confinement is one of the most severe punishments that can be levied against a prisoner or detainee. Yet “any given day,” according to a recent article in the New York Times, approximately 300 immigrants are held in solitary confinement at Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) detention centers across the country. Of those held in solitary, the Times continues, “Nearly half are isolated for 15 days or more, the point at which psychiatric experts say they are at risk for severe mental harm, with about 35 detainees kept for more than 75 days.” (Emphasis added.) While the conditions of confinement vary, detainees facing solitary confinement have reported to being locked up alone for 22-23 hours a day, in windowless 6-foot-by-13-foot cells. The reasons given for detainees’ isolation range from a belief that they pose a threat to other detainees, to minor “disciplinary infractions,” to protection from potential violence by other inmates.

Based on oral accounts from prisoners, it seems that in many cases the practice of solitary confinement is unwarranted, excessive, and may amount to torture. Because of the lack of a independent, transparent monitoring system for the detention of immigrants, there are serious questions regarding accountability for detainee abuse. The reported effects of solitary confinement include: post-traumatic stress disorder, paranoia, depression, difficulty sleeping, and nightmares. In addition, according to the Times, detainees in solitary often suffer mental breakdowns that can include self-mutilation and even suicide as a result of prisoners’ deprivation of meaningful human contacts with others. Such conditions are likely to be especially traumatic for immigrants, especially victims of human trafficking and detainee asylum-seekers who have already suffered or fear future torture from authorities in their countries of origin. The immigrant population is in many ways the most vulnerable to abuse, especially because they often have family members who are illegal and afraid to complain or seek assistance. Moreover, unlike criminal detainees, immigrants do not have a right to free legal counsel, and many detainees cannot afford legal assistance.

According to a September 2012 report by the National Immigrant Justice Center (NIJC) and Physicians for Human Rights (PHR), part of the problem with respect to immigrant detainees stems from the fact that, “Most immigration detention centers are not dedicated facilities, meaning they hold both immigrants and criminally sentenced individuals,” leading detention center officials to rely on “local correctional policies” regardless of whether a detainee is considered dangerous or has been accused of any crime. Describing the use of solitary confinement as “often arbitrarily applied, significantly overused, harmful to detainees’ health, and inadequately monitored,” the NIJC and PHR report note that detainees frequently have little to no access to legal counsel or their families and often do not speak English, leaving them few if any means by which to appeal their treatment.

Because many immigrant detainees are being held under administrative and not criminal justifications, it is reasonable to question the need for many immigrant detainees to be held in detention centers at all. Because such immigrants are being held under civil and not criminal charges, they are not supposed to be punished, yet they languish in prisons for indefinite amounts of time, isolated from family members or legal counsel. The “supervised” release of hundreds of “low-risk” immigrant detainees due to budget cutbacks resulting from the federal sequester, for example, has raised the question in some quarters of whether those individuals’ detentions were necessary or justified to begin with. In this context, the widespread use of detention is itself frequently unnecessary, inhumane, and expensive, especially because of the availability of other reliable, affordable, and compassionate alternatives. Key recommendations of the NIJC-PHR report, for example, include a call on Congress to prohibit solitary confinement of immigrant detainees as well as “end” or strictly curtail “mandatory detention laws.”

As the Obama administration has increased enforcement, the immigration detention population has swelled; it has increased by nearly 85 percent since 2005. Once detained, there is no set date of release and detainees are transferred across state lines, often leaving family members without access to their loved ones.

Encouragingly, the renewed focus on solitary confinement has drawn the attention of Homeland Secretary Janet Napolitano, who affirmed earlier this week that “solitary confinement should be the exception, not the rule” and stated that she planned to undertake a review of the process. As of today, it remains unclear when such a review will take place or when any changes will be made in the existing scheme of solitary confinement and detention of immigrants. While Congress has legitimate goals of increasing enforcement of its immigration laws, such prioritizes should no longer curtail the rights of illegal immigrants facing detention.

*Maureen Johnson is Of Counsel to BOILA PC

Same-Sex Spouses’ Right to Equal Protection

By: Maureen Johnson*

Recent polls and statements by political leaders including President Obama demonstrate a growing trend in favor of legalizing same-sex marriage. As of this writing, same-sex marriages are nationally recognized in 13 countries worldwide. Nine states and the District of Columbia allow gay marriage. Nevertheless, current laws in the majority of U.S. states and at the federal level continue to deny same-sex married couples a wide range of rights and privileges enjoyed by couples in ‘traditional’ opposite-sex marriages. In this context, this week the United States Supreme Court heard two cases challenging the constitutionality of state and federal prohibitions on recognizing same-sex marriage, the outcomes of which will have major implications for bi-national same-sex spouses.

On March 26, the Court heard oral arguments in the case of Hollingsworth v. Perry, which challenges California’s Proposition 8. In 2008, California voters’ passage of Proposition 8 overturned a State Supreme Court ruling legalizing same-sex marriage and briefly allowing same-sex couples to marry in California. Later federal rulings overturned Proposition 8, but same-sex marriages have so far not been reinstated, pending a decision by the nation’s highest court. The Supreme Court could rule that same-sex couples have a right to marriage equal to that of opposite-sex couples, thus potentially overturning anti-same-sex-marriage laws in every state across the country. This approach, if taken, would be a huge success for marriage equality, thereby creating uniformity amongst states in granting same-sex couples equal rights under the law. However, the Court could also issue a more narrow ruling limiting the right to marry only to California, or more broadly to states including California that allow civil unions granting every right conferred by marriage without the title itself. Alternately, the court could deny standing to Proposition 8’s proponents (California’s governor declined to appeal the lower court ruling) on the grounds that they are not directly harmed by the legalization of same-sex marriage and therefore are ineligible to bring the case to begin with, in which case same-sex marriage could be legalized in California but would not be extended to any other state. Lastly, the court could deem Proposition 8 legal, thereby reinstating the law’s ban on same-sex marriage in California.

On March 27, the Court heard the second of the two marriage equality cases. United States v. Windsor was brought as a challenge to the federal Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA), which was signed into law by President Bill Clinton, who recently argued in a Washington Post op-ed that he now believes the law is unconstitutional and should be struck down. The main argument against DOMA in the Windsor case is that the federal government is denying same-sex couples equal protection under the law by its failure to grant federal recognition and benefits to same-sex spouses who were wed in states where same-sex marriage is legal. Just as California’s governor has opted not to defend Proposition 8, the Obama Administration has stated that it believes DOMA (and Proposition 8) unconstitutional and has opted not to defend the law, but nevertheless requested that the issue was important enough that the Supreme Court should review the case. As a result there is a question of standing in United States v. Windsor as well, but most observers believe that the Court will make a ruling one way or the other in this case.

According to the gay rights organization Immigration Equality, current regulations under DOMA mean that more than 1,100 federal programs and benefits are unavailable to married same-sex couples in the United States. The most important issue at stake from an immigration standpoint, however, is that citizenship rights cannot currently be extended to a non-citizen by virtue of his/her marriage to a same-sex American spouse. In effect, U.S. citizens with same-sex partners have been denied the right of petitioning for their spouses and have been largely powerless when their spouses face deportation. Such citizens have had to choose between remaining in the States without their husband or wife or leaving the U.S. in order to stay together. Should the Court strike down the section of DOMA currently under review, Americans in same-sex marriages with non-citizens would for the first time be able to sponsor their husbands and wives for legal status and eventual American citizenship. A narrow ruling by the Supreme Court striking down DOMA would allow same-sex marriage only in those states where courts have also deemed its prohibition unconstitutional, but a broader decision could void the unjust effects of DOMA countrywide.

Assuming the justices grant standing in either Hollingsworth v. Perry or United States v. Windsor, the ideologically divided court’s deciding vote in both cases is expected to rest with Justice Anthony Kennedy. The outcome of the cases will not be known until the Court’s decisions are released (likely sometime in June). However, media reports based on this week’s proceedings have suggested that Kennedy, along with the Court’s ‘liberal wing,’ appears ready to strike down the portion of DOMA currently being challenged, ruling it unconstitutional on equal protection grounds. I remain hopeful that the day will soon come when U.S. citizens in same-sex partnerships will be allowed equal rights under federal law and finally be able to petition for their non-citizen husbands and wives. It has been long overdue, but until DOMA’s ban is overturned, family-based immigration laws will continue to be unjustly denied to U.S. citizens in same-sex partnerships.

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*Maureen Johnson is of Counsel to BOILA PC

Justice Department Reaches Settlement with Georgia Company to Resolve Immigration-related Unfair Employment Practices

“The Justice Department announced today that it reached an agreement with Poulan Pecan, resolving allegations that the company violated the anti-discrimination provision of the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA). Poulan Pecan is a supplier of pecans located in Poulan, Ga.

The Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division initiated its investigation of Poulan Pecan in 2012, based on a claim by an individual who called a department hotline and complained that the pecan-producing company requested specific documentation from her to establish her work authorization. The department’s investigation concluded that Poulan Pecan discriminated against work-authorized non-U.S. citizens by requiring specific and more documents than necessary from them when completing the Form I-9, Employment Eligibility Verification, while not imposing similar requirements of U.S. citizens.

Under the terms of the agreement, Poulan Pecan will pay $500 in civil penalties and be subject to monitoring of its employment eligibility verification practices for a period of one year. Designated Poulan Pecan officials have already completed training by the Justice Department on the anti-discrimination provision of the INA. The case settled prior to the Justice Department filing a complaint in this matter.

“Individuals should be treated equally during the employment eligibility verification process,” said Gregory Friel, Deputy Assistant Attorney General for the Civil Rights Division. “This means not placing additional requirements, documentary or otherwise, on individuals based on their citizenship status.”

The Office of Special Counsel for Immigration-Related Unfair Employment Practices (OSC) is responsible for enforcing the anti-discrimination provision of the INA. For more information about protections against employment discrimination under the immigration laws, call the OSC’s worker hotline at 1-800-255-7688 (1-800-237-2525, TDD for hearing impaired), call the OSC’s employer hotline at 1-800-255-8155 (1-800-362-2735, TDD for hearing impaired), sign up for a no-cost webinar at www.justice.gov/about/osc/webinars.php , email osccrt@usdoj.gov or visit the website at www.justice.gov/crt/about/osc .”

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New I-9, Employment Eligibility Verification Form Implemented

Starting March 8, 2013, the new I-9, Employment Eligibility Verification Form went into effect. We would like to remind all employers that earlier versions of the form are now invalid. As of the 8th of March, employers who fail to use the newly revised form are subject to all applicable penalties under section 274A of the INA, 8 U.S.C. 1324a. However the United States Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) does recognize that additional time must be allocated to employers, as not everyone will be able to update their business processes immediately. This is especially true in cases where employers use electronic systems for forms, as the electronic systems may not update the forms immediately. For these reasons, USCIS is allowing for a 60-day grace period, during which employers might not be penalized for failing to use the correct version of the form.

The revision to the I-9 are meant to minimize errors during the process of completing the form. There are three main revisions:

1. Data fields were added, such as the employee’s foreign passport information, telephone number, and email address.

2. The layout of the form has been expanded from one page to two pages, excluding instructions.

3. The instructions have been improved in order to simplify the process of filling out the form.

It is to be noted that employers do not need to fill out a new I-9 for existing employees who still have a properly completed I-9 on file. Only in the case of re-verification are employers obligated to have their existing employees fill out a new I-9. Otherwise, unnecessary verification may result in a violation of the anti-discrimination provision 1324b.

For more information regarding the new I-9 Form, please click here.

VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN ACT (VAWA) REAUTHORIZED BUT THE DEBATE OVER IMMIGRATION REFORM AND SAME SEX MARRIAGE IS FAR FROM OVER

 

MAR. 8 – The Violence Against Women Act (VAWA), drafted by then Senator Joe Biden with Senator Orrin Hatch (R., Utah) passed last Thursday in Congress following a 2012 stalemate on reauthorization. Although focused on domestic violence, VAWA will likely spark further debates on same sex marriage and immigration reform.

Three main provisions at issue were domestic violence on tribal lands, protection extended to LGBTQ abuse victims, and providing temporary visas to undocumented battered women.

There is currently a gap between federal law and Indian law which VAWA hopes to bridge. Namely, prior to the reauthorization, a Native woman facing domestic violence by a non-Native man, had no remedy against him since Indian law only carried jurisdiction over Indian men in domestic violence cases. However, the new VAWA provisions implement concurrent jurisdiction.

According to the National Task Force to End Sexual and Domestic Violence Against Women, Tribal courts will now have jurisdiction over non-Indian defendants with “sufficient ties to the Indian tribe.” This means that if the victim of domestic violence resides on Indian land, works for the Indian country, or is the spouse or intimate partner of an Indian, that tribe has jurisdiction to prosecute domestic and dating violence.

The second issue which VAWA faced in Congress is the provision extending protection to LGBTQ abuse victims. As the previous Act stipulated, VAWA was intended to protect women, and opponents contended that by stretching VAWA to include the LGBTQ community, already vulnerable shelters working on shoestring budgets open themselves up to litigation and the government to further debate on same-sex issues.

Something is to be said for broadening definitions to reach across and protect others that were not within VAWA as it stood previously. True, VAWA was intended to protect women against abuse, but what of a gay man abused by his partner and shows up at the door of a women’s shelter rather than a men’s shelter where he feels unsafe (and rightly so after a violent experience with a man) invoking the protection of VAWA? Or a woman in an ongoing emotionally abusive relationship that wants justice as per the new definition of abuse? Or as the ACLU initially pointed out, what of harsh sentences, including mandatory HIV testing of men charged, but not convicted, under the Act?

These were expected to be a major issue of opposition for Conservatives who opposed VAWA in 2012. Surprisingly, VAWA passed despite Conservative opposition in the run up to the upcoming seminal same sex Supreme Court case on the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA).
“Today is about all the Americans who face discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity when they seek help,” President Obama said to a cheering crowd at the signing.

It’s hard to say whether this will impact the way that Americans view sexual identity and same sex marriage – but there’s no denying the present shift in US opinion – or perhaps the present shift in US political opinion surrounding sexuality.

The issue of immigration however, seems much more layered and multifaceted in comparison. Not only dealing with the issue of violence against undocumented women, but the immigration debate, including accountability of employers, employment exploitation, and sexual exploitation.
On the one hand, you have a situation where women are not legally allowed to be here in the first place – thus flouting US law. On the other hand, the injustices of ongoing abuse arguably outweigh her legal status to reside and work here.

Although VAWA won’t be able to please both sides of this heated debate, as with any legislation, it needs to cater to the evolution of an ever-changing society while still within Constitutional bounds.

“Today’s signing of the Violence Against Women Act reauthorization into law gives women and all victims of domestic violence across America the peace of mind that their government will not abandon them in their time of need,” said one of the original authors of the bill, Rep. Louise Slaughter (D., NY).

However, one can’t deny how contradictory the Violence Against Women Act affords umbrella protections to both marginalized men and women, but fails to recognize these individuals and families under the color of law. LGBTQ couples are protected from violence even though federal law fails to recognize their relationships, and illegal immigrants can in theory voice their victimization from abusers, yet continue to be rounded up and ripped from their families for crossing the wrong border at the wrong time. Whether Congress intended to lay the foundations for support of immigration reform and same sex marriage or not, it seems that VAWA may be the gateway to both.

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